Tariffs, State Banks, and the Key to Economic Growth Without Stagnation

Rethinking Tariffs: Protectionism or Strategy?

Few economic topics provoke as much debate as tariffs. Critics warn they lead to stagnation, shielding domestic industries from competition until they become inefficient and complacent. Proponents argue that tariffs are necessary to level the playing field against unfair competition, such as nations that exploit cheap labor, weak environmental laws, and heavy subsidies.

But history shows that tariffs, when applied correctly, are not synonymous with protectionism. Instead, they are a strategic tool—one that nations from Hamilton’s America to modern China have used to develop strong industrial bases.

However, tariffs alone are not enough. If an economy imposes tariffs without ensuring capital flows into productive businesses, stagnation becomes a real risk. The missing piece? State banks.

State-owned banks, like the Bank of North Dakota (BND), ensure that capital stays in the economy instead of accumulating in corporate monopolies or speculative Wall Street ventures. They can fund innovation, small manufacturers, and technological development, preventing industries from simply coasting behind tariff barriers.

In short: Tariffs protect, but state banks keep the economy dynamic.

Beyond Christendom: Brownson, Vatican II, and the Path to a Catholic Republic

A Traditionalist with Political Realism

Orestes Brownson was one of the most important Catholic intellectuals in 19th-century America, a forceful writer who defended both the Magisterium of the Church and the principles of the American political system. A former Transcendentalist who converted to Catholicism in 1844, Brownson brought philosophical depth and historical perspective to the Catholic cause in the United States. He was a staunch traditionalist in faith, upholding the teachings of the Church against secularism and Protestant influences, yet he also rejected the idea that a confessional state—where Church and government are merged—was the ideal political arrangement.

Brownson argued that Catholicism should shape society, but not through a theocratic government. Instead, he saw America’s constitutional system as a practical safeguard for religious freedom. In his influential work The American Republic (1865), he wrote:

“The Church is not dependent on the state, nor the state on the Church; and yet both are in the divine order and must work together in harmony… But their harmony is not that of fusion or identity; it is the harmony of mutual independence and cooperation.”

He recognized the dangers of government control over religion, warning that it could lead to political corruption, spiritual complacency, and a weakened laity. He pointed to historical examples where state power over the Church resulted in compromises of doctrine, and where clergy, entangled in politics, became mere tools of the ruling authorities. Brownson wrote:

“A Church allied with the state becomes subservient to political ends, losing its spiritual mission in the struggle for power.”

At the same time, he rejected secularism and anti-Catholic liberalism, arguing that religion must inform public life and that a nation without moral principles would ultimately collapse. He believed that the American experiment could succeed only if rooted in a Christian moral order, warning:

“Liberty divorced from religion is license, and democracy without Christian virtue is the path to tyranny.”

While many Catholic thinkers of his time struggled with how to reconcile their faith with American republicanism, Brownson saw in the U.S. Constitution a model that could protect religious truth without state interference. His vision—both critical and appreciative of the American system—was prophetic, foreseeing the challenges that modern secularism would pose to Catholic life in the 20th and 21st centuries.

Many modern Traditionalist Catholics correctly defend dogmatic theology and the sacred liturgy, but they often lack historical perspective when it comes to political developments. Their criticisms of religious liberty frequently create a straw man argument, failing to recognize that both Brownson and Vatican II advocated a Catholic engagement with society that was neither secularist nor theocratic. If Traditionalists read Brownson alongside Dignitatis Humanae (1965), they would see the logic and consistency of this approach.

Social Studies: John J. Mearsheimer -- International Politics

 

Here are three talks on international politics. Very interesting